There is a great deal of cheer and celebration surrounding the India–UK Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA), and rightly so. Like most trade agreements, there is a focus on critical areas, including growth in trade volumes, expanded market access, tariff reductions, and deeper bilateral cooperation – all of which contribute to India’s ambition of becoming a $5 trillion economy. However, what caught my attention and perhaps not something that would make the front page, but holds a deep potential to shape development outcomes over the long-term, is Chapter 23, dedicated to trade and gender equality.
While one might argue its relevance since the chapter does not include any binding commitments, financial pledges, or even subject to any dispute resolution. In my view, although limited in scope, this chapter highlights a significant step forward as it is the first time India has included a standalone trade and gender equity chapter in any of its agreements. It indicates a marked shift in how India is approaching its external economic engagements with a more intentional alignment with its domestic priorities on women-led development and its broader vision for a Viksit Bharat 2047, where growth is inclusive, sustainable, and equitable.
Chapter 23 acknowledges that trade policies do not affect everyone equally, especially women, and discusses gendered economic barriers, including unpaid care work, limited access to finance, and a lack of representation in emerging sectors such as digital trade and STEM, all of which significantly limit women’s ability to benefit from trade agreements. It outlines the scope for potential collaborations, including facilitating women’s access to trade finance and literacy, enabling participation in global value chains through skilling and digital inclusion, and building capacity in under-represented fields such as STEM, among others.
From an Indian context, this chapter creates an international platform to complement what India has been trying to address over the past decade through initiatives and schemes such as the MUDRA Yojana, DAY-NRLM, Stand-Up India and the PM Kaushal Vikas Yojana–creating an enabling ecosystem for more women to access finance, skills, employment and entrepreneurship opportunities to participate more equitably in the domestic, regional, and global economies.
In India, most women are engaged in informal sectors, many of which intersect with CETA-linked industries such as textiles, handicrafts, jewellery, seafood and agriculture. An intentional engagement by both countries could help these women to scale up or formalise their operations. To me, this reflects both an intention and a prospect that can enhance the participation and competitiveness of women in business, trade and the economic growth story.
Particularly, two areas that stood out to me in the chapter. First, the focus on both countries developing and exchanging sex-disaggregated trade data, analysing that data, and utilising evaluation tools to better understand the effects of trade policies on women. If engaged and implemented effectively, this could be a game-changer in making trade more gender-inclusive. For India, where the availability of such data is limited or inconsistent, this presents a significant opportunity to strengthen data practices across the government and translate insights into meaningful actions to support greater economic participation of women.
Second, the recognition of unpaid care work as a key barrier to women’s economic participation. There is potential for both countries to explore the integration of social protection policies into trade-related initiatives, a key lever to empower more women to enter formal employment, pursue entrepreneurial opportunities, and engage in value-added trade.
To operationalise these commitments, CETA proposes setting up a Trade and Gender Equality Working Group, comprising government representatives, to guide cooperation activities, review implementation, and engage with relevant stakeholders, including women entrepreneurs and civil society organisations. If this working group is made truly functional and action-oriented, this platform could be a valuable opportunity for India to shape the agenda on women’s economic participation in global trade.
As global trade evolves in tandem with shifting geopolitical realities, a growing consensus is emerging that trade must contribute to broader development goals, including building equitable economies, strengthening supply chain resilience, and promoting inclusion. Gender equity is now becoming a part of that conversation. By including a dedicated chapter on it, India signals that its trade policy can be inclusive and aligned, rather than separate from, its development priorities.
Chapter 23 may not be the most visible part of the CETA, but it lays important groundwork. If implemented effectively, it can help make trade more accessible and beneficial for women, who comprise nearly half of India’s population. That alone makes it a commitment worth investing in.
This article is authored by Suryaprabha Sadasivan, senior vice president, Chase Advisors.
